Otter, now that’s an answer - thank you! (Sorry, you’re on your own with Ms. Otter - I’m still busy working on that listening/understanding principle in my own house!

)
Perhaps in large part our views may be divergent only due to the words we are using. For instance, I disagree with your position that D.C. “simply made a sweeping pronouncement against all firearms in the city.” That statement is an oversimplification of D.C.’s ban and is not an accurate statement of what the legislation did. The ban has been in existence for over 30 years. Rather than being “sweeping” (and completely contrary to the way your earlier partial cite of the legislation would make it appear) the ban contains numerous exceptions including exceptions for gun ownership by those holding valid registration for the firearm and specific exemptions for law enforcement officers, agents of the District or US, members of the armed forces, National Guard or reserves, and those with a dealer’s license. That hardly seems “sweeping” to me. (Here’s where you can read the law in its entirety instead of a selective portion:
http://dcguncase.com/blog/dc-gun-laws/ ) There was an additional requirement that registrants keep their firearms unloaded and disassembled or trigger-locked when inside residences within city limits. To me, that is more troubling.
Additionally, I never argued that “a rise in handgun violence in D.C. now means the law is no longer ‘capricious, unreasonable, and unsupported....’” I wouldn’t argue that because that’s not how the law evolved. Rather, my argument was that the ban was implemented because of a rise in handgun violence and deaths which existed
at the time of the drafting of the law. In the opinion of the drafters the law was justified at the time it was instituted - it didn’t become justified at some later time. You are correct that gun deaths have risen since institution of the ban, so I would agree that the effectiveness of the ban is certainly up for debate.
You argue that the Constitution is the standard for such legislation and the constitution says
it is “against the law.” What precisely do you think the Constitution says is against the law? Certainly not limitations on gun ownership. Even the Court’s recent decision does not say that; indeed it specifically says otherwise. You argue that D.C. “made it very easy for Scalia -- they made no attempt to find reasonable accommodation within the confines of the second amendment. The exceptions they listed primarily dealt with group affiliation with law enforcement - denying the "individual" right as we discussed.” Again, I disagree. D.C.’s legislation did not deny individuals the right to own all guns. In fact the legislation very specifically delineated the only firearms prohibited were sawed-off shotguns, machine guns, short-barreled rifles, or pistols not validly registered prior to September 24, 1976.
Because words are my living, I am extremely picky about how they are used. I take issue with your use of the word arbitrary - not only in the legal sense applicable here, but also in the sense the word is understood by the common person. You argue D.C.’s law was arbitrary under your definition of arbitrary: “decided by governmental authority rather than law or statute.” Otter, that is
not the definition of arbitrary. I defy you to cite me an example of any law or statute that is
NOT decided by governmental authority. That is precisely what law is! D.C.’s gun law went through the exact same legislative process as any other enacted law. Enactment by a governmental body does not make something arbitrary. You say, “When the D.C. government ignores the law of the land and decides for itself whether or not to apply the U.S. Constitution in its jurisdiction, it is acting arbitrarily by the very literal definition of the word.” Again, that is NOT the literal definition of arbitrary. Please look up the word arbitrary to find the legitimate definition - it means to act with no rational basis. D.C.’s law was rational - it had good intent and was tied to a specific purpose. It was many things - but arbitrary was not one of them.
That being said, I believe D.C.’s legislation was unconstitutional, but not because it was arbitrary. Rather it was not narrowly drawn. It was too far-reaching. That is one of the factors which will insure that a law does not pass the strict scrutiny test. You note the instances I cited where compelling public interests outweighed individual rights were restrictions usually regarding specific groups of people (mentally ill, felons) or particular times. That is precisely what
narrowly drawn requires. A statute cannot be over-reaching and survive constitutional muster. The Supreme Court said D.C.’s ban was over-reaching. That isn’t arbitrary, but it is unconstitutional.
In appellate law there is a rule that a correct decision, even if arrived at for the wrong reasons, will stand. I believe the Court got the decision in this case correct. However, I am not convinced they got there for the right reasons. The decision will stand, but what worries me is that because of the way in which the Court arrived at the decision, there is now room for a great deal more restriction of individual rights than we have previously seen. While I don’t really care so much about how this decision affects gun laws, because of the fact that under our legal system principles from one area of law are applicable in other areas, I am concerned that this decision opens the door for greater restriction of individual rights in other areas. For that reason I find it very dangerous.
Otter, I have thoroughly enjoyed our discussion and want to say thank you for your patience with me and your approach to the issue. Discussions like this are really beneficial for me in that they help me sort out the issues and solidify my opinions. To anybody else that finds these diatribes annoying, I sincerely apologize.
(Otter, I have a major sex case trial in two months - wanna play devil’s advocate? - ‘cause you’re really good at it!

)